Ctrl+C, Ctrl+Vote: The Copy-Paste Politics Behind Mexico’s Judicial Election
With Mexico’s unprecedented judicial elections just around the corner, the international verdict is already in—and it’s not pretty. The Financial Times dubbed the vote a “Kafkaesque experiment.” Moody’s sees legal uncertainty ahead. The Washington Post and U.S. Chamber of Commerce are ringing alarm bells about creeping autocracy.
Below the high-level critiques, lies a more mundane—and disturbingly effective—instrument of electoral control: the “acordeón”. These color-coded cheat sheets, listing “recommended” candidates per ballot, are flooding Mexican voters’ streets, inboxes, and social media feeds. Legally gray but tactically brilliant, they’re becoming the centerpiece of an unofficial campaign architecture designed to deliver bloc votes.
In states like Jalisco, Nuevo León, and CDMX, reporters have uncovered mass production and distribution networks with fingerprints from state governments and Morena’s political machine. Authorities say it’s legal to bring notes into the booth. But when political operatives pre-package those notes, the line between guidance and manipulation vanishes.
What started as an aid for navigating a complex multi-ballot election has mutated into a parallel information pipeline. In some rural areas, acordeones are reportedly treated less like references and more like orders—especially among recipients of government aid.
The consequences? Thousands of federal and state judges could be selected in a process many see as rushed, and poorly vetted.
The National Electoral Institute (INE) has announced it will release an estimate of voter turnout on election day, after the polls close. Meanwhile, the Senate is preparing to legally challenge an INE ruling that—in the event of a tie—would declare the judicial seat vacant. Senate President Gerardo Fernández Noroña criticized the measure in a press conference, calling it undemocratic and illogical.
According to Enkoll, 86% of voters know about the election, but only 23% plan to participate, and 77% can’t name a single candidate. Meanwhile, over 300,000 people have registered as “observers,” raising concerns about whether polling stations will be monitored.
From Comrades to Headaches: CNTE Turns on Sheinbaum
What began as a labor dispute has spiraled into a full-blown political migraine. The CNTE teachers’ union—once a dependable foot soldier of Mexico’s left—now accuses President Claudia Sheinbaum of betrayal and threatens to derail the country’s first-ever judicial elections.
After more than ten days of strikes, road blockades, and a high-profile encampment on the Mexico City’s Zócalo, the CNTE has turned up the heat, targeting federal ministries, electoral offices, and media headquarters. Their demands? A 100% salary increase, rollback of the 2007 pension reform, and reinstatement of fired teachers. Sheinbaum, invoking fiscal “realism,” offered a 10% raise and an extra week off. The union was less than impressed.
The breaking point came when Sheinbaum accused the CNTE of echoing right-wing rhetoric by threatening to boycott the June 1 vote. “They sound just like the conservatives now,” she quipped. The CNTE shot back, insisting their decisions come from grassroots assemblies, not political posturing, and flatly rejecting any alignment with the opposition.
The confrontation is escalating. Airport blockades left thousands of travelers stranded. Journalists were mobbed outside the National Palace. Protesters surrounded major broadcasters like Televisa and TV Azteca. Union leaders now hint that the unrest could continue through election day.
Sheinbaum is walking on a tightrope. Give in, and she risks opening the floodgates to more protests. Crack down, she risks splintering the base that brought her to power. Her current strategy seems to be a balancing act: paying lip service to the right to protest while subtly painting the CNTE as reckless. But with the judiciary overhaul in play and a historic vote imminent, this isn’t just about pensions anymore. It’s about whether Sheinbaum can hold her coalition together.
Morena Shaken by Brugada’s Aides Assassination
A week ago in the heart of Mexico City, two of Clara Brugada’s closest aides—Ximena Guzmán and José Muñoz—were executed in broad daylight. The hit was cold, calculated, and unmistakably public. The killer fled with logistical support—a getaway driver, altered plates, the usual whole package.
The shock was instant. Guzmán, Brugada’s longtime private secretary, had carved a reputation working on youth and education policy. Muñoz, a seasoned operator from the capital’s progressive old guard, was a senior advisor. They weren’t just campaign staffers—they were architects of the Morena project in Mexico City. Their tragic murders have shaken the movement to its core.
The motive is still a mystery. Surveillance footage shows the hit was professional and premeditated, even including a prior aborted attempt. To make matters worse, Mexico City’s police are under investigation themselves: the Ministry of Citizen Security has suspended two commanding officers—one the chief of the Nativitas sector, where the assassination took place, the other her deputy—for allegedly tampering with evidence.
Brugada, visibly shaken, pledged justice and announced a new public care center named after Guzmán. But within Morena, the whispers are growing louder: Was this political revenge? A warning? A purge? No one knows—but everyone’s unnerved. Still, one name keeps surfacing: the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG). No confirmation, no solid leads—just a growing sense that something more sinister may be lurking beneath the surface.
Telecom Overhaul or Power Shuffle? Morena’s “Major Surgery” Raises Eyebrows
Morena Senator Javier Corral has confirmed that the Senate is preparing an extraordinary session in June to push through new legislation on Telecommunications and Broadcasting. The announcement comes with what Corral calls a “deep reconfiguration” of President Claudia Sheinbaum’s original telecom reform package. At the heart of the shift: a reshuffling of power away from the controversial Digital Transformation and Telecommunications Agency (ATDT), an entity many feared was becoming a regulatory black hole with too much muscle and little oversight.
After wrapping up the final round of public discussions on the proposed law, Corral confirmed that a “significant modification” is coming, a “major surgery”, in his own words. The reworked structure will redistribute responsibilities across a handful of bureaucracies, including the ATDT, the Ministry of Communications and Transport, the Ministry of the Interior, and even the Federal Consumer Protection Agency.
And then there’s the international pressure. Morena deputy Alfonso Ramírez Cuéllar openly admitted that the revised law is being shaped in part by concerns over compliance with the USMCA trade agreement. Articles 18 and 21 of the treaty, dealing with telecom and competition, are now seen as hard legal constraints, not mere diplomatic suggestions. “We can’t afford to give them a pretext for retaliation.” AT&T, Mexico’s second mobile operator, is after all a powerful player in US politics.
Contact:
Laura Camacho
Executive Director Miranda Public Affairs
laura.camacho@miranda-partners.com
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