Today, on Prime Time: Homeland Security
An international media campaign from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), with a price tag of US$200 million, is drawing intense criticism in Mexico after anti-immigration ads began airing during primetime on national television. The videos, subtitled in Spanish and fronted by the telegenic Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, sternly warn potential migrants that they will be “hunted down, expelled, and never allowed to return” if they enter the U.S. illegally, crediting President Donald Trump with restoring national security.
The ads are running on major platforms such as Televisa and TV Azteca (as well as YouTube) and have been spotted during high-audience events like Liga MX football matches and evening news segments. While the campaign is global in scope, the decision to broadcast the videos in Mexico has triggered a political firestorm.
The decision by Televisa and TV Azteca to air the ads has raised some eyebrows. Are they more interested in currying favor with President Trump than with President Sheinbaum? Should there be a conflict between pandering to both governments, which one will they choose? (In 2024, almost two thirds of TelevisaUnivison’s revenues came from the U.S., and just 36% from Mexico, giving a clue to the possible answer.) Whatever the exact answer, for sure, Grupo Televisa’s 2022 merger of its content business with Univision and preponderance of US revenues in the combined TV business means that the Mexican government no longer exerts the same influence over the country’s main TV channel as in the past.
Still, the Mexican government has plenty of weapons at its disposal – advertising regulation, tax, and the nuclear option of revoking concessions. Televisa’s co-CEOs have developed excellent relations with both Sheinbaum and Trump, and are well placed to navigate this political minefield. But no one will claim it is easy being a major media player in two countries whose interests can and do collide. Opportunities will arise, but so will risks – as we are seeing.
President Claudia Sheinbaum swiftly condemned the campaign, calling it “paid propaganda that offends Mexico’s dignity and violates its sovereignty.” She announced that her administration will send a bill to Congress to prohibit the broadcasting of foreign government propaganda in Mexican media, reinstating a restriction that had been quietly removed in 2014. The reform would perhaps be more symbolic than anything else, in a digital era marked by cross-border influence and hybrid public diplomacy tactics, but it would still be a notable departure from Sheinbaum’s accommodating stance towards the Trump administration.
Legal experts argue that the ads violate the Mexican Constitution, particularly Article 1, which prohibits discrimination, and the Federal Telecommunications Law, which bans content that promotes stigmatization or incites hatred. Mexico’s National Council to Prevent Discrimination (Conapred) issued formal requests to broadcasters to cease airing the ads, describing them as a threat to human dignity, especially for migrants of Indigenous or low-income backgrounds.
Beyond legal concerns, the campaign has reignited debate over the role of foreign governments in shaping public opinion abroad, particularly through mass media. The controversy highlights both the increasing militarization of migration policy in the U.S. and Mexico’s evolving stance on protecting national identity and human rights in international discourse. Moreover, it has exposed regulatory loopholes in Mexico’s media framework and raises broader questions around ethics, sovereignty, and the influence of foreign political narratives in domestic spaces.
From Red Tape to One Click: Sheinbaum’s Bet on Digital Bureaucracy
In a major push to improve Mexico’s investment climate, President Claudia Sheinbaum has introduced a new National Law for Administrative Simplification and Digitalization, with the flagship launch of the National Digital Investment Portal (Ventanilla Digital Nacional de Inversiones, www.inversiones.gob.mx). The platform, designed to reduce bureaucratic obstacles for investors, promises to cut business approval times from 2.6 years to one, and slash requirements by more than half.
The announcement marks a cornerstone in Sheinbaum’s broader economic reform agenda, which also includes updates to the Federal Telecommunications Law and the Competition Law. But for now, the simplification law takes center stage, especially as Mexico navigates uncertain global trade conditions and the ongoing global tariff war.
At a press conference alongside Sheinbaum, José Antonio Peña Merino, head of the Digital Transformation and Telecommunications Agency, outlined how the new platform will integrate state, municipal, and federal processes into a single digital interface. The system will host a national registry of procedures, a digital ID service (Llave MX), and a repository for public software. The strategy follows a similar effort the same team launched in Mexico City during Sheinbaum’s mayoral term.
In parallel, the government announced the creation of a National Center for Public Technology and a Public Code Repository, allowing different levels of government to reuse open-source tools for public service delivery. A national tech training academy for civil servants will also be launched to improve digital governance capacity.
According to Peña Merino, the initiative could reduce 300 procedures and over 330 bureaucratic steps, standardizing timelines and criteria across the country. The platform is already in early use by 16 companies and aims to consolidate 300 state-level and 100 municipal procedures into unified processes.
This reform isn’t just about streamlining forms — it’s a carefully packaged political message. Sheinbaum frames it as a move toward transparency, simplicity, and efficiency, but its timing is not at all coincidental: a digital facelift for the State just as Mexico angles for foreign capital in an increasingly volatile global market.
Congress Prepares for Extraordinary Session with Emphasis on Structural Reforms
This week, Congressman Ricardo Monreal Ávila, Morena majority leader and president of the Political Coordination Board (JUCOPO) in the Chamber of Deputies, outlined the legislative priorities for the coming weeks. Speaking at a press conference, Monreal detailed the agenda to be discussed during the upcoming congressional sessions, scheduled for Tuesday through Thursday.
Key items include rulings from the Finance Committee, a proposed overhaul of the Federal Firearms and Explosives Law, and initiatives to issue commemorative coins — one of which would mark the 400th anniversary of the Colegio de San Nicolás de Hidalgo. While symbolic, such initiatives are often used to build consensus and maintain legislative rhythm.
Monreal also emphasized the need to modernize the rules governing the Permanent Commission of Congress, which as the name implies, continues to work while most legislators are in recess. Mr. Monreal noted that its regulatory framework has not been updated in over a century. “We’re working on a new regulation to make the Commission more functional, with debates that are relevant and procedures that are more useful to the public,” he stated.
He also confirmed that Congress is preparing for an extraordinary session, tentatively scheduled for early June or the second half of July. Ordinary commissions will continue working in May to prepare draft bills.
Among the priority topics for that session are reforms related to public security, judicial reform, and new regulatory frameworks for railroads and national infrastructure — areas Monreal described as “fundamental” for legislative progress and national development.
Tensions Flare Up Between Mexico and Ecuador
Diplomatic tensions between Mexico and Ecuador returned after Ecuador’s declaration of a state of “maximum alert” based on alleged intelligence reports suggesting that contract killers had been sent from Mexico to target President Daniel Noboa and members of his cabinet. The accusation, leaked to Ecuadorian media and attributed to a military intelligence document Proaño, has been strongly denied by the Mexican government.
The Noboa administration’s accusation came after President Sheinbaum questioned the legitimacy of the victory claimed by the National Democratic Action candidate. “His win was highly questionable — even the OAS itself acknowledged that, not just some other international organization. And the opposing candidate is openly claiming fraud. So, from our side, no — diplomatic relations with Ecuador will not be resumed,” she said last Wednesday. (International observers have criticized the election’s fairness, though they stopped short of declaring the election illegitimate.)
In an official statement, Mexico’s Foreign Ministry (SRE) described the claims as “baseless and unscrupulous,” rejecting any attempt to link the Mexican state to violent plots abroad. The ministry emphasized that Mexico, guided by a longstanding principle of non-intervention, would never interfere in the internal affairs of another nation — particularly one with which it has no formal diplomatic relations.
Mexico severed ties with Ecuador in April 2024 after Ecuadorian police stormed the Mexican embassy in Quito to arrest former vice president Jorge Glas, who had requested asylum. The operation, condemned internationally as a flagrant violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, led to the formal suspension of diplomatic relations. President Claudia Sheinbaum has reiterated that no diplomatic channel will be reopened as long as Noboa remains in office.
From Mexico’s perspective, the Ecuadorian accusations are more than unfounded — they are diplomatically provocative. The Mexican government argues that linking national identity or territory with terrorism narratives not only undermines bilateral relations but also jeopardizes regional cooperation on security and migration.
Lyrics, Laws, and Loopholes: Mexico’s Complicated War on Music
As state governments move to restrict narcocorridos and other music genres associated with organized crime, President Claudia Sheinbaum has opted for a more nuanced position. Rather than pursue a federal ban, she has called for social dialogue and cultural alternatives, emphasizing that banning music is not a viable solution to Mexico’s complex security challenges.
The debate was reignited after singer Luis R. Conriquez was attacked at the Texcoco Fair for refusing to perform narcocorridos, citing local regulations. In a press conference, Sheinbaum responded: “We’re not banning a genre — we’re asking that lyrics avoid glorifying violence, drugs, or the objectification of women.”
Narcocorridos are hardly a new thing (the legendary Tigres del Norte sang about the exploits of Camelia la Texana all the way back in 1972), but newer (and more explicit) variants, such as corridos tumbados, have become cultural flashpoints. While banned in states like Baja California, Jalisco, and the State of Mexico, they remain wildly popular on streaming platforms. Artists like Peso Pluma, Junior H, and Natanael Cano dominate digital charts, particularly in regions hardest hit by organized crime — a phenomenon that reflects the blurred lines between culture, commerce, and violence.
Rather than censorship, Sheinbaum’s administration has launched México Canta por la Paz, a music contest aimed at promoting peace, community, and resilience through cultural expression. Winning songs will be featured during the president’s Friday press briefings, seeking to elevate new voices and narratives. It’s a noble idea, but betting on government-sponsored happy songs to fix what bullets have written into history sounds like “sueños de polvo y sangre”.
Contact:
Laura Camacho
Executive Director Miranda Public Affairs
laura.camacho@miranda-partners.com
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